By
Mahmud Tukur
mtukurm@yahoo.co.uk or
mmtukur@hotmail.com
At my age, and from what I
have been through in life, if the participants find me anecdotal or slightly
befuddled, please be charitable. The changes and the violent ups and downs
my generation has been through are disorienting – to say the least. I may
also be repeating what I have said elsewhere! But then remember there is
nothing new which is useful that has not been said about our
country over the last decade.
To start with, I wish to
suggest that there is a pre-agenda item of the Nigerian Question: the
precarious nature of the polity. We have regressed in our evolution to such
an extent that Nigeria is perhaps a failed state. There is no security, no
regular services of any type and, it is ‘normal’ for the Naira to crash by
the grace of parallel market forces against the U.S. Federal Reserve managed
dollar. We have budgets only in name. Shoot outs and brawls are common at
political party meetings and conventions. Those with access to power or
means to coerce can do whatever they wish! Could we imagine any rational
justification for the onslaught on unarmed civilians of Rafinpa village,
near Jos in the dead of night in a combined operation by the Police, the Air
Force and the Army on 18th December, 2003 (The Weekly Trust,
December 27th 2003 cf., Zaki Biam in September 2001 and Odi in
October of the same year, 2001).
So, first we have to think
of emergency steps to stop our descent into the bosom of war lords, God
fathers and rule by militias, drug and 419 barons, some with the cooperation
of freewheeling elements of the security forces.
Coming to grip with
incremental anarchy
The pre-agenda waiting for
urgent consideration should include, necessary changes in the attitudes of
the population especially the urbanized segment and in the mindset of the
power elite and the political office seeking buccaneers. Then, an
intelligent and imaginative approach has to be adopted towards the abject
poverty and helplessness of the populace especially its rural component, the
seething anger and frustration within the army of educated unemployed
youngsters and the millions of semi-literate adolescents who are poised to
choke and suffocate even a modicum of tolerable, not to say civilized life
in our cities and urban conglomerates. A fundamental problem for the
country is that a combination of an unpatriotic elite, thieving and greedy
political and bureaucratic classes on the one hand and an unorganized,
impoverished population on the other hand have constituted themselves into a
massive road block to breaking out of the fortress of hopelessness which
Nigeria seems to have become. To add to this, a middle class which has been
in formation prior to the SAP years has been decimated. It is now almost
non-existent. Other countries have been in and out of this patch. So, we
can also come out. Luck and coincidence can help with the coming to power
of a disciplined leadership group supported by a competent crop of patriotic
professional, managerial and middle classes. The examples of France and
Germany after the World War II and Indonesia and Malaysia in the dying years
of the 20th century come to mind.
Let us, therefore, first
examine measures which have to be taken in order to stem the tide of ‘the
coming anarchy’. They fall squarely on the shoulders of the present local,
state and federal administrations.
Basic security on the
roads and in our bedrooms.
It is worth our while to
pause and reflect on the following. In the month of November 2003 alone,
twenty-seven policemen were murdered by robbers in Lagos. Even the
Kaduna-Zaria road is now unsafe at any time of the day. Yobe and Borno
States roads, villages and chunks of territory have been in the hands of
highwaymen during the last couple of years. Full scale battles between the
police and robbers have been a regular fare in Ibadan, Owo and Okitipapa
during the last few weeks. For years now well to do people in the South
East have to barricade themselves in their mansions. As for the Niger
Delta, kidnappings, closure of flow stations and ransom demands are
routine. In my Adamawa State, only a few kilometers outside Yola, robbers
give villagers four days notice to gather two million naira ‘tax’, warning
them no authority can stop the ‘transaction’. The brigands return on the
appointed night for settlement. If the villagers fail to pay up, the
visitors will kill, rape, mutilate and depart not the least concerned about
being apprehended by the security forces. On the Mambila Plateau, Fulbe
livestock owners make private arrangement with soldiers to protect their
herds. If the soldiers are withdrawn the herdsmen believe they have to
leave for the Cameroun Republic.
Yet, the country is in the
ironic situation of unrestrained use of force against political party and
trade union activity, expression of opinion or opposition to government
policy while robberies, violent crimes and murder of policemen have become
routine. More frightening still are the increasing willingness of
government to unleash the police and military against political parties and
civil society organizations involved in normal democratic activities such as
rallies and protest matches. Not to be forgotten is the detention, torture
and humiliation of members of U.D.A., a coalition of civil organizations,
for demonstrating against the ‘deregulated’ increase of prices of petroleum
products. To crown it all, there is a growing suspicion that members of
security forces participate in robberies, extortion and brigandage.
Intriguing, however, was the mobilization of 150,000 policemen, half of the
force size, to police Abuja during the CHOGM as miscreants were
systematically ransacking homes in Abuja, Kaduna, Lagos, Onitsha etc. at
will, terrorizing travelers on our highways and collecting ransom from
villagers who had to sell their produce and livestock to satisfy the
imperious demands of hoodlums.
The ‘bunkering war’ in
Niger Delta with its accompanying ‘youth’ restiveness as well as the
unending blood letting in Warri and its neighbourhood have assumed a life of
their own. Sermonizing and occasional deployment of soldiers have proved
ineffective in ousting the cruel, and seemingly never-widening conflict. It
is apparently more agreeable to ignore the threat which these pose for the
integrity of the country and roll out tanks to abort peaceful
demonstrations!
Developments over the last
year, especially with the use to which the police force and even the
military were put during the last elections, indicate that, like the
traditional and local government systems, there is a real possibility of
these institutions becoming mere appendages to the ruling parties, the state
governments and the principal officers of the state. Were this to happen,
their neutrality would be compromised, professionalism would be lost and
insecurity will increase thereby causing the failed state syndrome to gather
momentum.
A thriving economy
and elementary social services.
It remains to be seen how
privatization, deregulation, monetization and pension reforms – if these are
what MEANS stand for – can substitute for the performance of elementary
functions of the state. Why those who steal Nigeria’s money, rush to the
foreign exchange market and similar conduits to sprit their loot to the
safety of foreign bank accounts, bring it back and put it into the provision
of infrastructure, power and water, even if the returns were attractive and
usurious, beat the imagination. If they do not why would their mentors and
associates contemplate such a risky venture in the name of foreign
investment? The earlier we retrace our steps and do the common sense thing
the better are our chances of stopping the threatening anarchy.
This requires funding for
minimum infrastructure by way of roads, power, water and a railway system so
that industries can be revived and jobs and wealth would be created. Market
forces cannot take care of these in our existing environment. Classrooms
need their roofs repaired, seats provided, children fed and basic teaching
aids and materials supplied for the bearest minimum functioning primary
education. The same goes for facilities for teachers, inspection for
quality, libraries and laboratories for the secondary section. For the
health delivery system also, basic facilities, essential drugs, beds linen
and consumables such as cleaning materials have to be brought by the public
sector. In the agricultural sector, subsidies for agricultural inputs and
irrigation facilities need to be realistically funded as is the case even
with countries where all the other basic facilities are already in place.
Democratic culture
and governance:
It can be claimed that our
‘nascent democracy’ is based on a civic culture which has been
nurtured during the period leading to the 1999 elections and the earlier
part of the Fourth Republic. It is this culture and the existence of
political parties, NGOs, trade unions, various interest groups and other
civil society organizations which justify the claim. But really, to claim
that the contraptions we have now are political parties is to mislead
ourselves. Our latest experience shows that these political parties come to
life only at conventions or when elections are about to be held. Their
essential purpose is to allocate positions and offices and ensure that
elections are “won” in anyway possible. There is no place in them for the
mobilization of the people or the aggregation of their interests or their
participation in public affairs. In fact, we know that the existing members
do their utmost to keep out new comers especially those who they suspect
might be rivals when it comes sharing offices, patronage or largesse. The
less likely a party is to come near getting power the more likely it is to
be democratic and mass-oriented. But then, since this type of party will
not have access to budget or state funds, it would not have the resources to
mobilize and effectively represent the interests of the people. So, the
real test is would the party which has access to power become interested in
mobilizing the ordinary people and give them a voice, a real one in
determining who represents them? It is then we can begin to have political
parties with the attributes of democratic institutions.
In the same way, there does
not seem to be much of a democratic culture abroad in the way our
governments, the political parties or even some of the civil society
organization conduct their affairs. What is happening at present seems to
be that those with the power and resources select their minions, and place
them in executive and leadership positions of the institutions. Their
express purpose is generally to rubber stamp whatever the Oga,
leader or Baba wants.
But, the purpose of
democratic institutions and culture is to give voice and a say to the
ordinary people as to how their budgets are put together, how state
resources are utilized, what development projects are implemented and who
gets to lead them. Ultimately, the role of ordinary people in political
parties and other institutions of democracy are to check the excesses of the
party machinery and to deter them from becoming wayward.
Furthermore, if democratic
culture and institutions are to develop, there must be equitable access to
the media by the various contending forces, parties and organizations. This
access, especially to the publicly owned media, should be achieved through
the work of a credible and neutral watchdog institution similar to the
Electoral Commission or the judiciary. Card carrying members would have no
place in these sorts of watchdog bodies.
Also, campaign funding has
to be addressed dispassionately, not from the vantage point of securing
advantages for those in power, but for the purpose of ensuring a level
playing field conducive to a healthy thriving of various tendencies and
power centres with institutional representation. This would naturally run
counter to the present reality of ‘money politics’ where public
resources and agencies are deployed to the advantage of political parties
and NGOs associated with those in power and, to the detriment of perceived
opposition organizations or ‘enemies’ be they individuals, or interests
groups.
Political parties, civil
society and interest groups have as their conventional roles civic
education, articulation of demands, advocacy, application of pressure on
power points, interest aggregation, mobilization for party and civic work,
monitoring elected officials and contribution to the party platforms and
programmes as well as suggesting policy alternatives. In addition, they
have a duty to sensitize citizens to the fact that they are not tenants
while the office–holding groups are owners of the country.
Justice, under this rubric,
in both its political, legal and administrative senses is another need.
This is particularly germane to the Nigerian system where it may be
appropriate to refer to the phenomenon of an “injustice” system. I have
dealt with this at length in Leadership and Governance.
Suffice it to repeat here the well known inability of ordinary people to get
justice in the existing system and to underline the high incidence of
highhandedness, suppression of the citizen rights and the blatant disregard
for public good or interest. It still appears the case that in place of
respect for the constitution, and due process we appear to have a
comprehensive disregard and disrespect. Regrettably, crude display of power
and shameless flaunting of influence seem to be preferred. Also, instead
of tolerance and dialogue, the use of the police and military to suppress
routine opposition and democratic activities such as demonstrations, rallies
and picketing have become common place. Unless the authorities can be
persuaded that these safety valves are essential for societal harmony and
the survival of democracy, the prospect could be bleak indeed.
As for free and credible
elections, everyone who witnessed activities forming an integral part of the
‘419’ elections has a story to tell. It could be in terms of use of police
and military force, party thugs, militias or, ballot stuffing, inflated
results, declaration of results with little bearing to the actual voter
population, or connivance of electoral and security personnel in fraud and
manipulation. Again, unless these anti-democratic habits are stamped out
elections would graduate from being a farce into a tragedy.
In sum, democratic culture
and governance have yet to take root in these shores. Whether any positive
change could be expected from the fifth year of the Fourth Republic is a
moot point. The prospects, despite the purported reform agenda, do not seem
bright. But, a change of attitude and style are required if progress, and
not regression, is to be harvested.
The independence of
institutions responsible for the administration of justice the conduct of
elections and of Public order:
The independence claimed
for courts and the Electoral Commission does not exist in reality. Ranging
from the issue of budget to the provision of facilities, recruitment and
promotion of staff, the opportunity for the executive to influence, tempt,
undermine, subvert or even entrap the various persons responsible for the
management of these institutions calls for superhuman quality for the
judiciary and the Commission to maintain their independence and do what is
just and fair. A similar or worse situation obtains at the level of the
State Electoral Commissions. The election petitions tribunals have not done
any better than the bureaucrats assigned to election work. More depressing
is that the conduct of even the higher levels of the judiciary has created
an impression that their methods in handling the election petitions could be
subject to interference, collusion and even receipt of financial benefits to
subvert the course of justice. If the courts allow the appointment of card
carrying members of the ruling political parties to the ‘independent’
electoral commissions and they in turn appoint auxiliary staff from party
workers and partisan members of the bureaucracy, then it is safe to conclude
that no fair elections can be held in this country for the foreseeable
future. Consequently, institutions of democracy such as the legislature,
the political parties cannot prosper. What it means then is that 2007 would
be a non-event. Then, disorder may become our lot.
A whole new approach needs
to be adopted between now and the next set of election if we are to have any
semblance of fairness and equity. Also if the obvious shortcomings of the
Electoral Act are allowed to continue the advantage which control of state
resources and security agencies gives the existing power holders will ensure
that no free and credible elections can be held. By the same token, the
environment would continue to make it impossible for democratic institutions
such as the legislatures, the political parties and NGOs to do the work
expected of them. In this case the transition to a democratic process is
unlikely to go beyond its faltering first steps made in 1999 from which it
has been systematically regressing since then.
The activities,
incompetence, wasteful expenditure of resources, willful neglect of duties,
adversarial attitude to the political parties, associations, contestants,
conspire to deny the Independent National Electoral Commission any claim to
independence, neutrality or professionalism. Even in the law courts and the
election tribunals, the Commission openly colludes with incumbents,
especially the P.D.P. Its connivance in the use of brute force and thuggery
during the elections and the conduct of INEC staff at the collation centres
in particular have opened the institution and its leadership to justifiable
accusations of crass negligence, improper behaviour and failure to shoulder
responsibilities which are clearly its own. Furthermore, the active
involvement of Resident Electoral Commissioners and their staff in
corruption, receipt of pecuniary and other rewards to subvert the course of
justice have left the Commission’s reputation in tatters. With the recent
appointment of the governing party’s card-carrying members to replace
retiring members, the Commission’s status as an independent watchdog has
been irreparably damaged. It seems set to play a more ignorable role in the
forthcoming local elections and in 2007 than it did in its flawed and
fraudulent outing in April–May 2003.
It is, therefore, the duty
of organizations, institutions and individuals committed to democracy, its
culture and its development in Nigeria to wage a legal, political and media
campaign to expose the unsuitability of the Commission, as presently
constituted, to conduct, supervise or monitor voter registration or
elections. The unconstitutionality of its composition, the lack of
confidence in its financial administration, its administrative incompetence
and history of acting illegally and its disregard for laid down rules,
regulations and laws have to be compiled, analysed and pleaded both in the
law courts and in the court of public opinion. The objective of this
exercise would be to cause its dissolution and replacement with an Electoral
Commission composed in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.
The realization of this objective qualifies as one clear way forward
for the Nigerian polity.
A cursory survey of the
judicial scene suggests some lack of commitment to the values of fairness
and equity. The inertia and inactivity one senses militate against needed
urgent steps to aid the survival and growth of democracy as well as
improvement in the health of the Nigerian polity. This arm of the state
seems incapable of rising to a level of performance commensurate with the
gravity of the Nigerian Condition. As part of the changes we
need to stave off anarchy, the judiciary and the legal profession need to
abandon their effete and slow motion ways of doing things. The
frustrating reverence for technicalities and adjournments together with
suspect ex parte judgements tend to support obvious injustice,
untruth, theft of public funds and arrangee judgements. The system
has to become active and adopt the mien of radical constructionism. It has
to show willingness to abandon the culture of quietism and deference to
an oppressive, incompetent and unproductive status quo. It must find
a way to pursue and punish vigorously the despots and anti-democratic forces
and crooks, war lords and thieves who imfest the political, traditional
and bureaucratic classes manning the public service. The system must also
be able to clean itself of the criminals especially at its lower level.
Luckily, there are some gems in the highest levels and among the new
appointees.
If Nigeria is to become
safe and secure democratic society, then the security services must return
to real, instead of ersatz professionalism. They must resist,
with all the will at their disposal, the tendency for them to become
appendages to ruling groups, parties and the monied class. There is also
the urgent need for them to identify with real democracy and its
institutions and to imbibe the values of equity and to justice. There is no
justification for these agencies to implement illegal and cruel orders
against the population knowing full well that the actions demanded of them
are neither legal, fair nor equitable. Ultimately, these agencies must
allow popular forces of progress and change to thrive and operate so as to
save the country and the Nigerian power elite, which includes them, from an
ignoble end. Failure to do these would almost certainly lead us to anarchy
and rebellion. In the end, the professionals, the judiciary and justice
administration system and the security services must be real officers and
gentlemen, friends of the people, genuinely learned and transparently
upright.
Academia, the Media,
Labour and other civil society organisations
Academia, including the
Students, are known to have fallen on hard times. Convenience certainly
suggests a line of least resistance which is to accept crumbs, in the form
of appointments, consultancy or sponsorship for workshops, from the tables
of the mighty and pander to disgracefully narrow ethnic agenda and similar
primordial considerations. The lot of academia is certain to get worse if
democracy is subverted and abandoned under the weight of market forces,
messiahnism and personalization of state power and authority. If a
despotic system is firmly established, anarchy prevails or the country
disaggregates because of corruption, incompetence and irresponsibility, even
the modicum of civil existence which “autonomy” promises to confer on
tertiary institutions is sure to evaporate into thin air. So, if Nigeria is
to move forward in the right direction, academia must return to its
traditional role of ascetic, rational and committed activism in aid of a
plural, democratic and enlightened society.
Regionalism, ethnicity,
shopping for material gain, largesse and pay-offs from those who for the
moment walk in the corridors of power is a short term and self defeating
assignment for the media. Alliance with these forces will continue to stunt
democratic development and the installation of a just and equitable system
of governance which are the only guarantee that the media can survive,
perform professionally and work in the interest of the larger society. Only
a return to the course of professionalism, fair reporting, intelligent
analysis and a commitment to providing a level playing field for all the
contending forces from all parts of the country would assure the survival of
a democratic country and, with it, the development of a virile media
industry. The time to act is now. Otherwise, the media could be
contributing to Nigeria’s slow but definite descent into anarchy. Then,
security, good governance and economic well-being would become scarce
commodities.
The Nigerian Labour
Congress and other civil liberty organizations perhaps decided to go on
sabbatical because of the ‘power shift’ to the South West. NADECO seem to
have exited for good. The C.L.O. made feeble noises once in a while. The
Patriots joined the ACF only frequently in the latter’s Cassandra role of
pointing to the danger signals as illegalities, disregard for the
constitution and democratic norms became rampant. As the 419 election drew
near and the infractions became more pronounced (cf. the forged Electoral
Act, INEC failure on voter registration and display of list etc) alarm bells
began to ring. Even so, except for the Patriots and CLO the other members of
the fraternity tagged along till well after the return of the “son of the
soil” to the Villa. It was when the administration bared it fangs and
its style showed a more transparent resolve to leave the democratic path and
abandon any pretence to caring for the welfare of the country that the
Nigerian Labour Congress tried to jump ship. The Edo tripod with tentacles
in Heritage House, INEC and trade union headquarters became uncomfortable
for the third leg. But, its job in the 419 elections has been done. The
last straw for the Labour Congress was the abrupt deregulation of the
petroleum industry, the drive to dismantle it and the iron fist handling of
the resultant protests. With more recourse to unconstitutional ways,
increased violence against democratic institutions the failed state syndrome
has become all too obvious.
So, the time has come for a
return to the beaten path of shoring up democratic norms, institutions and
culture in order to avert descent into the valley of fascism or anarchy and
destruction of the polity.
Key issues in the
Nigerian Question
If, and when, we come to an
effective grip with the blights discussed in the pre-agenda, we can
justifiably turn to the subject of this Dialogue. Simply put, what the
conventional Question requires is a proper federation with viable federating
units and a de-concentrated and less Frankenstein federal government which
down-sizes the President and the Governors and makes the legislatures and
political parties real power centres.
But, is just as well, that
we constantly remind ourselves that these are elite preoccupations and the
stuff of current power politics. They hardly touch the real issues of
poverty, lack of basic requirements and services which our people face in
their daily lives. These need to be tackled for an atmosphere to subsist in
which we can think of a national conference to address what the organizers
of this dialogue call the Nigerian Question.
The elements of the Question are basically the economic system
including revenue allocation, the type of federation as well as residency
rights, the problems of the division of functions among the levels of
government and the number and viability of the federating units. The
relationship among the principal arms of government and the budgetary and
audit processes are also key items.
The federation, the
units and the division of functions
Federations are basically
necessitated by economic considerations. A federation is not the best of
arrangements in terms of a neat exercise of power or a cost effective
management of public affairs. But, when it works, it produces services,
benefits and advantages which make the burden of its management lighter.
It comes down to an acceptable economic arrangement, a political ‘covenant’
reflecting this economic system and a capable and easily accessible and
knowledgeable leadership.
A negotiated economic
system is fundamental to the Nigerian polity at two levels. At the first
level it is a determinant of the political arrangements in terms of division
of powers and functions. At the second level it is about the wellbeing of
the population and the extent to which the economy successfully banishes
poverty, want, ignorance and disease. In sum, it is about success in wealth
creation, prosperity for the broad masses of the people, security of life
and property at home, at work on the roads and in social harmony. The
rationale was and remains to date that a bigger and more varied country
provides a better resource base both in terms of natural endowment and human
capacity. The large market enhances possibilities for economies of scale
and for creation of more wealth. There is also the added advantage of
weight in interstate transactions.
As regards the political
system, the sticking points which need careful consideration are the
characteristics of the federating units, power sharing, the powers of the
President or Governor, the integrity of elections, population census, role
of the civil and security services, the issue of a level playing field and
political space, the budgetary process, statutory commissions and the Public
Accounts Committees of the legislature. Here also belongs the integrity of
the judiciary – its budgetary independence, rule of law including its
administration and the place of Sharia in the legal system.
Perhaps, the most
substantive sore point of the Nigerian federation is the make up, size and
viability of the federating and other administrative units. The key
question is how the exercise can accommodate ethnic and other peculiarities
while at the same time ensuring that the units are made strong and
sufficiently well endowed to exercise their autonomy for the benefit of the
population. A major objective is to see to it that federating units to not
end up spending over eighty per cent of their revenue on personnel and
overhead costs as is the case with many of the states and local governments
at the present time. Thus, to balance the quest for self determination and
the need to ensure that the unit is a going concern have to be addressed
dispassionately and honestly.
The unintended consequence
of the attempt by the makers of the constitution to ensure effective
governance and the multiplicity of unviable federating units needs to be
confronted and resolved. The unwillingness or inability to face these have
led to creating zones and the emergence of regional and
ethnic umbrella organizations. However, these have shown, predictably,
that they cannot be an antidote to the suffocating over-centralization and
the waste and mismanagement which accompany it. The vague and almost
entirely unworkable propositions such as ethnic federations, presidential
councils, multiple vice-presidency, rotational presidency/governorship
do not appear to be efficient solutions.
The Budgetary
Processes
The requirements for a
credible process include preeminence of the legislature, faithful
implementation, transparency, expenditure control and post-execution
auditing and monitoring. The legislature, whether at the federal or state
level, is the direct representative of the people and has as primary role in
the process. And, a democratic government should have no difficulty
accepting this. Similarly, establishment of benchmarks and targets, clear
review processes, involvement of stakeholders at the formative stages,
inputs by civil society and independent associations are all requirements
for a healthy budgetary process.
It is not enough for the
executive to handpick its cronies or those persons it knows would support
its proposals and then turn round and claim that consultations have taken
place. Moreover, faithful implementation of a duly considered and
sanctioned budget is an integral part of those processes. In addition,
transparency in authorizing expenditure and in the disbursement of funds as
well as instilling expenditure control mechanisms are an essential part of
budgeting.
Then comes audit work and
the crucial role of Public Accounts Committees which report directly to the
legislatures so that they can more effectively monitor and certify that
public resources are applied in the way that representatives, duly chosen by
the people, agree that they should be. Regrettably, none of this happens
anywhere in this country. The problem appears to be worse at the state
level. In many of these, budgets hardly exist. In a number of cases, the
wishes of the chief executive replace the budget. Furthermore, the Public
Accounts Committees of the legislatures, whether at federal or state level,
have to be given the due support and respect they are entitled to from the
Accountant General, the Auditor General and the accounting officers of the
Ministries and other governmental agencies.
At the moment, the
legislature, both at the state ad federal levels, has generally displayed
more subservience to the executive since the April-May 2003 elections. The
present legislatures appear to be in a more disadvantaged position due,
perhaps, to the fact that the majority of members got there by the leave of
the executive. It is believed by many observers that the four or five most
important leadership positions in the National Assembly are held by people
who almost certainly have not won their seats at the May 2003 elections. As
a result of this unfortunate situation, the concept of separation of powers
is disappearing. The leadership of the legislature crows unashamedly
regularly that its job is to help the executive and facilitate, without due
scrutiny it seems, the prosecution of executive agenda. The claim is that
this promotes stability. Thus, budgets are not subjected to proper scrutiny,
funds are spent before proposals are brought to the legislature and crude
partisanship is on the ascendancy. None of these developments can be said
to work in aid of a credible budgetary process in the sense required by a
democratic culture.
Since the appropriate
environment is yet to exist for a National Conference where a full
discussion of the details of restructuring rightly belongs, this submission
is necessarily sketchy. Moreover, I trust, other contributors would
confront the Question head on. As a specific contribution, however,
the following two paragraphs might help.
In November 2001, I
participated in the work of an N.G.O. sponsored group which deliberated on
an agenda for a National Conference. The report, drafted by
three colleagues, suggested options for the Conference under the
alternatives of (i) the way forward and (ii) the way out.
It proposes under alternative (i) “a reappraisal of the current arrangements
in terms of: Extent of economic integration and free movement of people in
and within the whole entity, residency rights, political arrangements such
as the nature of the political union, the sort of constitution, the
federating units, economic regime and inter-regional trade, revenue
allocation and provision of and responsibility for infrastructure. Under
alternative (ii) it suggests the de-amalgamation of North and South or the
negotiation for a new internal arrangement, or the establishment of six new
countries.
The report was not
considered by the organs of the N.G.O. But I believe at the appropriate
time either it or those who proposed the ideas should be ready to share the
thoughts (some may say non-thoughts) with other interested Nigerians. For
the moment, I limit myself to the preceding brief pre-view.
Can we see
a
way forward?
As suggested earlier,
without an attitudinal change on the part of the general population of
Nigeria aided by a nationalistic elite itself buoyed by a patriotic middle
class, a way forward cannot be found. Key leaders, kingmakers
and opinion moulders must change and develop a democratic and
public-spirited mindset. They need also to recognize that their actions and
utterances are a major cause of the problems besetting the country. They
are the ones directly responsible for stoking and creating conflicts through
ethnic and religious propaganda. The power elite has
to accept that Nigeria’s needs are societal integration, devolution of
powers to fewer viable federal units, economic prosperity, equitable and
balanced provision of various types of infrastructure and the
decentralization of functions of government for communities to have direct
control of their social services, their cultural and religious affairs,
their legal systems and of the administration of law and order. The
leadership has to show more sense of responsibility. It has to learn to
cooperate, consult, defer to better judgement and employ knowledge in
discharging its duties. The attitude of the people to education, to
work, to discipline and to the environment has to change. Nigerians must
also learn to demand real accountability and not handouts. If these, or
most of them, can be achieved within the next three years, the Nigerian
state can save itself from withering away or imploding.
This contribution began on
a pessimistic note. It noted the looming possibility of anarchy as the
indices of a failed state progressively catch up with Nigerians. The
country can peter away under the weight of a creeping anarchy and the
inability of the state to carry out its basic duties. Failure to provide
security and to enforce laws, refusal to fund education and health, pay
pensions and subsidize agriculture in order to satisfy the conditionalities
of reform, deregulation or university autonomy are an abdication of
responsibility. They all feed directly into the lawlessness and brigandage
which are manifesting themselves more regularly in our daily lives.
Some three years ago the
Nigerian Question could be discussed in terms of restructuring,
resource control, national conference and marginalization. A year ago, one
could think of separation of powers, constitutionality, the integrity of the
judiciary, the integrity of the electoral Commission and the Public Accounts
Committee and the audit function, the workings of the Federation Account and
the management and accountability of the N.N.P.C. In January 2004 it seems
more realistic to approach the Question via the symptoms of
a failed state which have now manifested themselves in the
Nigerian polity. These, repeatedly fingered by all shades of opinion as
widespread insecurity, elite lawlessness, comprehensive looting of treasury
and resource transfer so massive that the Naira is in a freefall, skilled
manpower haemorage, wild cat court decisions, rubberstamp legislatures
presided over by anointed buccaneers and executive mansions populated by
itinerant occupants are a deadly threat to the health of the Nigerian
State. They pose a greater danger when viewed against the frequency with
which areas of the country go up in flames - thanks to “the bunkering war”
in the Niger Delta, “war lord” and “Godfather regimes” in the South East and
South South, an ever-present danger of murderous adventures by a
“presidency-connected OPC” in the South West, “counterfeit Sharia
sheiks” in parts of the North West and “rebel principalities” in the North
East.
The system is ‘out of
joint’. Those in authority appear to care less. They proceed regardless in
whatever catches their fancy be it deregulation or privatization when we do
not possess even the facilities to receive imported fuel. Those of us at
the outside are talking to ourselves. The most we seem to do is provide the
power elite with photo opportunities to show off their new designer dresses
and latest model jeeps.
At the bottom of it all is
the issue of legitimacy. We have difficulty trusting our leaders whether
traditional, political, religious, academic, trade union or media. They
fail to give leadership sometimes because they got there surreptiously or by
manipulation. Even when they get in transparently, they almost immediately
abandon the straight and narrow path. But sermonization is not enough.
Everyone has to act in his own sphere in combination with others. Solo
performance cannot achieve much. Our acts should not be determined by
convenience or short term considerations. Even so, the point should be made
repeatedly that the job belongs, in the first place, to the executive,
followed by the legislature, the judiciary, the political parties and the
other democratic institutions. They have taken on the responsibility, in
many cases by foul means. The least they should do is to earn their keep –
which is very high.
Ultimately, the call by Dr. Suleiman Kumo (The Daily Trust, December 19, 2003) for popular mobilization and mass action under the leadership of “the established political organizations” and Simon Kolawole’s “foresight” (ThisDay, December 27-18, 2003) that our leaders may soon face anarchistic receptions may well be indicative of the way forward if office holders of all varieties do not mend their ways.